A eleição das redes sociais e o que muda na disputa como a conhecemos
This podcast episode analyzes how social media has transformed Brazilian electoral politics, particularly in the 2024 congressional elections. It examines the strategic advantages of digital natives, algorithmic logic favoring disruptive content, and the organizational differences between right and left campaigns that shaped parliamentary outcomes.
Summary
The episode opens by introducing several young digital native candidates who won congressional seats through social media presence. Guest Beto Vasques, director of Instituto Democracia em Cheque, analyzes the 2024 elections through three categories: environmental factors, campaign decisions by Lula's team, and strategic choices by both right and left.
Vasques identifies two environmental factors that favored opposition candidate Flávio Bolsonaro: voter saturation and apathy regarding electoral politics, and a 'non-campaign campaign' that allowed controversial figures to remain hidden. He criticizes two Lula campaign decisions: avoiding debates (which enabled Bolsonaro to also avoid them) and avoiding aggressive attacks on Bolsonaro, viewing him as the weakest opponent.
The discussion reveals that both the left and right made a decisive bet on digital natives and influencers, though with different levels of coordination. The right, particularly the PL (Liberal Party), demonstrated superior organizational capacity by concentrating messaging, establishing unified spokespeople, and maintaining party discipline around shared narratives using cultural war themes and affective polarization. The left, conversely, remained fractured across PSOL, PSB, PT, and other parties, each with different messaging strategies—some candidates supported Lula from the left (Jones Manuel), while others supported from the right (Tabata Amaral).
Vasques presents a specific São Paulo example showing that if left-wing parties had formed a federation (legal alliance), they collectively received 400,000 more votes than the PL but won similar seat counts. A federation would have yielded 6-8 additional deputy seats for the left and corresponding losses for the PL, demonstrating how fragmentation undermined left-wing results. He argues the PSOL barely avoided electoral barrier elimination despite stars like Erika Hilton (1.6 million votes) because lower-ranked candidates didn't meet minimum thresholds, while the PT had experienced politicians like Rui Falcão with 100,000+ votes who failed to reach the electoral coefficient because vote distribution was inefficient.
The episode explores how algorithmic logic differs from traditional political logic. Studies show that disruptive content—material inducing extreme emotional reactions of love or hate—circulates more effectively and engages users differently. The right has demonstrated superior understanding of this principle. Digital communication now rivals or exceeds traditional territorial mobilization in importance, evidenced by 21-year-old Ana Elisa receiving over 500,000 votes in Minas Gerais and Nicolas Ferreira winning that state's largest electoral college.
Regarding traditional centrist parties (Centrão), Vasques predicts decline if digitalization continues accelerating. These parties either must digitalize or face extinction, as increasing electoral barriers (minimum vote thresholds) force smaller parties into federations to survive. The PL has absorbed many centrist voters and candidates, with parties like MDB, PSD, União Brasil, and Progressistas losing deputies while the PL grew. This reflects a broader shift toward parliamentary polarization mirroring societal polarization.
Vasques explains the PL's dual nature: it contains both traditional centrist machinery elements (Valdemar Costa Neto's base) and a 'Digital Bolsonarist Party' operating within it. This mutual relationship benefits both, with Valdemar deliberately creating space for digital bolsonarists rather than allowing them to create competing structures. However, eventual succession to purely digital leadership faces obstacles: the bolsonarist movement disdains institutional bureaucracy and partisan machinery, preferring social media-based politics without compromise, and they lack the learning curve regarding party machine manipulation that traditional politicians possess.
The transcript concludes by noting international parallels, such as German AFD politician Urit Sigmund (35-year-old former perfume salesman) gaining popularity through anti-immigration and anti-media rhetoric via social platforms. The episode emphasizes that individual politician images now dominate over party projects in algorithmic logic, and even established figures like Lula must adapt—he purchased his first smartphone after the first electoral round to engage with digital strategies.
About this episode
Convidado: Beto Vasques, diretor do Instituto Democracia em Xeque e coordenador do Laboratório de Opinião Pública da Fundação Escola de Sociologia e Política de São Paulo O resultado do 1º turno consolida uma tendência no processo eleitoral brasileiro: a conversão em votos da popularidade digital de candidatos que carregam milhões de seguidores nas redes sociais. O que se viu no Congresso foi a eleição de vários "políticos influencers" de diversos espectros ideológicos, mas principalmente os que estão no campo conservador, caso do mineiro Nikolas Ferreira (PL). É um fenômeno que também deve reconfigurar a formação de chapas e federações eleitorais e mudar a correlação de forças dentro dos próprios partidos. Neste episódio, Natuza Nery entrevista Beto Vasques, do Instituto Democracia em Xeque. Beto explica as estratégias dos candidatos "influencers" que se saíram bem nas urnas e aponta o que muda na lógica da composição dos partidos a partir deste fenômeno.
Key Insights
- Studies show that disruptive content inducing extreme emotional reactions circulates more on algorithms than moderate messaging, and the right has demonstrated greater mastery of this principle than the left
- The PL achieved electoral dominance not by gaining left-wing votes but by absorbing centrist and traditional right votes through unified organizational discipline, while left parties remained fragmented across PSOL, PSB, and PT
- A hypothetical federation of left-wing parties (PSOL, PSB, PT) in São Paulo would have gained 6-8 additional deputy seats by efficiently pooling 400,000 more votes than the PL, demonstrating how fragmentation directly cost the left parliamentary representation
- The left fielded digital native candidates as effectively as the right but undermined electoral impact through inconsistent messaging, with some candidates supporting Lula from the left while others supported from the right, lacking the coordinated message alignment of bolsonarism
- The PL contains two distinct organizational souls—traditional centrist party machinery and a Digital Bolsonarist Party operating within it—maintained through Valdemar Costa Neto's deliberate mutual accommodation strategy rather than competitive conflict
- Algorithmic logic systematically privileges individual politician images and personal brands over party projects and ideological programs, creating structural incentives for personalism that weaken collective political organization
- Increasing electoral barriers forcing party federations to survive combined with accelerating digitalization will cause traditional centrist parties to either digitalize rapidly or face gradual extinction as voters consolidate around larger polarized blocs
- Even established traditional politicians like Lula must adapt to digital campaign logic; he famously purchased his first smartphone after the first electoral round to engage with digital strategy, indicating digital competency is now non-negotiable
Topics
Transcript
Num oferecimento de Eleven Labs. Agentes de inteligência artificial, atendendo seu cliente 24 horas. Acesse elevenlabs.io Olá, meu nome é Nicolas Ferreira e eu sou candidato... Você já pode ter me visto no seu feed. Meu nome é Annelise, eu tenho 21 anos... Meu nome é Jones Manuel. Olá, meu nome é Pavanato. Sabe aquele vídeo que você mandou lá no grupo da família? Pois é, era eu. Deixa eu te fazer uma pergunta sobre estas eleições. A vantagem que a gente vê nas redes sociais, ela é ideológica ou é de quem aprendeu primeiro a falar a língua do algoritmo? Num debate político cada vez mais mediado pelas redes, não basta ter uma mensagem. É preciso entender o que…
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